CNN reports that “Of the 13 UNRWA employees alleged to have been associated with the attack, the Israeli document alleges 10 were Hamas operatives, two were Palestinian Islamic Jihad operatives and one is unidentified. . . . UNWRA has already fired several employees in the wake of the allegations, which first emerged last week, hours after the UN’s top court ordered Israel to act immediately to prevent genocide in Gaza. UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini also ordered an investigation into the claims, to be conducted by the UN’s Office of Internal Oversight Services. . . . To Palestinians, UNRWA is an essential source of assistance operating inside the Gaza Strip and other Palestinian refugee camps in the Middle East. It provides education, health and social services, and, in times of war, life-saving aid and shelter. It is also one of Gaza’s largest employers, with 13,000 people, mostly Palestinians, on staff. . . .In a statement Sunday, UN Secretary-General António Guterres said nine UNRWA staff members at the center of the allegations had been fired. One other was dead and the identities of two others were still “being clarified.” . . . The fallout of the allegations has seen several of the agency’s top donor countries, including the US, Germany and the UK, pull funding from UNRWA. Norway, Ireland, Turkey and Saudi Arabia are among the countries to have not halted funding.”

Haaretz reports the WSJ article about 10% of UNRWA being Hamas.

Pulling funding from the entire 13,000 employees who are trying to provide what help they can to belaguered Gazans is another over generalization and over reaction by the US in support of Israel. The UN General Secretary has it right when he assures the firing of anyone involved in the Oct 7 attacks, but not to stop all of the humanitarian work of UNRWA. The US, UK, German response rejects the ICJ call to precent genocide. Their response adds to what the ICJ already found to be plausible reason to see the results of the war as genocide. With full US support, Israel has for months been attacking all of Gaza in response to what Hamas did. This latest effort seems again to be about preventing any provisions entering Gaza.

The US pulls funding for the allegations about between a dozen and 10% of UNRWA employees, but does not pull funding to Israel or set any conditions on it after an ICJ ruling. Even if it is 10% of UNRWA involved, 90% is doing legitimate humanitarian work. This looks like just the most recent effort to stop shipments of food, medicines, or fuel to Gazans.

Norway’s position makes much more sense.

Having a defense budget as big as the next ten nations (including Russia, China, Iran, and others) allows us to say that the charges brought by South Africa were meritless and that the ICJ’s ruling was unfounded. Who has the guns and the world’s reserve currency, if no longer the gold, makes – or ignores – the rules.

It raises the questions as old as Plato’s Republic, with the debate between Thrasymachus and Socrates about power, goodness, and justice. Or the debate about power and justice between the Athenians and Melians in Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War.

The preamble to our constitution says that we want domestic tranquility. This would seem to include avoiding civil war. To do that, it establishes, among much else, a judicial system and electoral procedures. Both assume that there will be differences and disputes between people. We want electoral campaigns rather than military ones to settle who governs. Denying electoral results and supporters of the losing candidates becoming well-armed rather than concentrating on how to run a better campaign next time is a big yellow flag.

Trump makes every effort to find our electoral and judicial processes to be unfounded. If he succeeds, our domestic tranquility is in trouble.

From Wilson’s support for a League of Nations to the founding of the UN, many looked to institutionalize a process of open, reasonable debate, the principle of one nation – one vote – and judicial mechanisms rather than the first use of force to resolve disputes. Joining the UN meant accepting the rules that we largely wrote.

A question long asked is if those who write the rules apply them primarily to those whom they rule, rather to themselves and their allies. Woodrow Wilson’s principle of national self-determination was applied to the German empire and its allies after WWI, not to the British and French ones.

Many of us and other of Israel’s supporters have been crowing that the ICJ did not find that Israel has committed genocide or that there should be a cease fire. These folks needed to finish their homework assignment. At this stage in the process, the ICJ would not make a final ruling on the merits of the question. They could only decide if there is a dispute and if there is enough reason to begin the process on the merits of the case.

Hamas is not a state nor a signatory to the Genocide convention. The ICJ has no authority over them. A ceasefire ruling would only apply to Israel. But in the ruling, the ICJ calls on Israel to carry out its use of force in virtually wholesale different ways than it has. It has found South Africa’s charge of genocide to be plausible enough to warrant the full procedure.

It is remarkable that the headline in the Jerusalem Post is, “ICJ badmouths Israel for 35 minutes, then Israel wins.” Being told that the way you have fought in Gaza is plausibly genocidal is an odd form of winning a court case.

Netanyahu says that “”the very claim that Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians is not just false, it is outrageous, and the court’s willingness to discuss it at all is a mark of disgrace that will not be erased for generations.” He added that Israel will continue the war until “absolute victory,” until all hostages are returned and Gaza is no longer a threat to Israel.

Netanyahu is free to say that the ICJ’s finding of plausibility to be false since he has the backing of the country with the world’s largest military budget. His call for absolute victory and claim that Israel does follow international law does not bode well for changes in previous and on-going tactics.

Right now, Biden, Blinken, and Netanyahu seem to be in the Thrasymachus camp. Or the Athenian delegation in Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War who said that the strong do what they will and the weak suffer what they must, followed immediately by the Athenian massacre of their Melian enemies. Have we adopted the view of the ancient home of democracy?

https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-01-26/ty-article/.premium/netanyahu-decries-icj-genocide-mull-u-s-labels-it-unfounded-saudis-note-violations/0000018d-46e2-d35c-a39f-eefaac3f0000

By votes of 15-2 and 16-1, the ICJ has found plausible the charges of Israeli genocide that South Africa brought and that US Secretary of State Blinken said were meritless. The Biden administration has called on Israel to follow international humanitarian law but has continued to send military aid to Israel when it has carried out what the ICJ finds plausibly to have been genocidal acts. What should we do and what are we likely to do? We should admit that we have been complicit in supporting what the court finds to be plausible. We should switch the billions of aid that we have been giving to Israel to Gaza to enable Gaza’s right of self-defense and for its reconstruction. What are we likely to do? I rather expect we will largely ignore the court’s finding, reject it as political posturing, belittle this UN institution as having been captured by the majorities of nations, and veto any of the UN Security Council’s attempts to enforce it. If we do the latter, the Biden administration’s legacy will be the undermining of the international humanitarian law tradition that we had supported since the Civil War era Lieber code, the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, and the WWII era Geneva conventions.

The Evolution of War
Sponsored by the International Big History Association (IBHA)
Universidade Federal do Rio De Janeiro (UFRJ)
Villanova University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences

Presentations:
War inside my head: ethology and the transdominial mind (starts at 0:04)
Daniel Barreiros
Institute of Economics Bioethics and Applied Ethics Center
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro

The Universality and Uniqueness of Extremist Violence (starts at 33:18)
Anthony C. Lopez
School of Politics, Philosophy, and Public Affairs
Washington State University

Creative Destruction: War, Truth, and Nature (starts at 52:05)
Lowell Gustafson
Department of Political Science
Villanova University

 

Issue DOI: https://doi.org/10.22339/jbh.v4i2.4200

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